- The Big Three in EU Foreign Policy - Carnegie Europe - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
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- How Does the European Union Work?
- The EU, at a crossroads between federalism or a return to the nation-state
- A European Union of member states
Support for EU membership is at the highest level since , and yet a majority of voters fear the EU might collapse. The challenge for pro-Europeans is to use this fear of loss to mobilise their silent majority and ensure that it is not just the anti-system parties who get their say on 26 May. It is not yet too late. With a volatile European electorate, there are up to 97 million voters who could still be persuaded to vote for different parties.
Fears about the ability to trade, travel and work in other EU countries topped the list of reasons. Citizens feared losing unity on security and defence and valued being part of a bloc that could counter the US and China, amid growing economic uncertainty and the parlous nature of the transatlantic relationship. An earlier version incorrectly said Belgium was one of the 14 nations surveyed.source
The Big Three in EU Foreign Policy - Carnegie Europe - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Chart Nearly seven decades after the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community , bringing together France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg in a pact designed to stave off further war, three in 10 people polled said conflict among countries within the EU was a realistic possibility. As many as a third of voters in France and Poland said they believed a war could be possible. National political interests will ensure that the Habermas-Piketty idealism never moves off the drawing board.
In any case, such plans would be hopelessly complicated to operate. Nation-states are not truly sovereign, he says. Draghi cites the example of coordination of international trade relations, which even George Washington acknowledged is valuable.
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It is the same ECB that itself has been stymied by national conflicts of interest and so has allowed deflationary psychology to set in and has run out of ammunition just when a wounded Europe is imminently entering another, possibly fearsome, recession. Beyond monetary policy, tensions between member nations have long simmered on a range of matters, including foreign policy and corporate taxes. More disruptive conflicts have repeatedly flared up on appropriate macroeconomic policies and immigration.
Attempts to tame episodes of potential anarchy by reinforcing hierarchical lines of authority frustrate national aspirations.
How Does the European Union Work?
Nations collide especially powerfully, Mearsheimer warns, when orders handed down through the centralized hierarchy are influenced by another powerful nation-state. The nation-state is the only organizational form that has democratic accountability and legitimacy.
European leaders must, therefore, retrace their steps. As I argue in my book, EuroTragedy: A Drama in Nine Acts, many tasks now performed at the European level, especially setting fiscal and macroeconomic policy objectives, should revert to the nation-state.
The EU, at a crossroads between federalism or a return to the nation-state
An optimistic national revival requires reinvigoration of social democratic principles. Unfortunately, in the s and s, social democrats ran out of ideas, abandoned their traditional working-class constituents, and placed faith in Europe as the solution. A new social democratic agenda — driven by national, provincial, and local governments — must refocus on delivering social justice at home.
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As such, he argued that Europe stretched from Gibraltar to the Urals, an assertion that he repeated many times throughout his life. Yet for all that, he did not seek to please the USSR, which his famous phrase amputated of the three quarters of its territory beyond the Urals.
A European Union of member states
His Europe, defined in these broad terms, was destined to play a pre-eminent role in the world. To this end, it was necessary for these states, starting with those closest, to come together, as he stated in his speech in Algiers on 18 March It was also necessary for the most powerful among them to set an example in their cooperation. His hopes were quickly dashed. In contrast, when the spectre of an imperialist Reich had been laid to rest he attempted to bring Germany back into play.
Speaking in Bordeaux on 25 September , he first evoked the idea of a confederation of European peoples that might arise from a vast popular referendum in all European countries, assigning a decisive role to the Franco-German couple. This same Atlanticism, which he saw as a likely prelude to the subjugation of Europe by the United States, made him fight against the project for a European Defence Community EDC when he was no longer in power in the s.
He was nevertheless in favour of European defence cooperation based on an alliance of independent sovereign states, which would take the form of a combined General Staff deciding on common plans, giving orders and allocating resources.
A committee led by Christian Fouchet, set up in February , put forward a plan the following autumn for a common foreign and defence policy based on intergovernmental cooperation. In his vision of Europe, Britain was an obstacle to French influence as well as to the geopolitical coherence of a continent that could be reunited and freed from the bipolar framework of the Cold War. In and , de Gaulle rejected the British applications, with American backing, for entry into the Common Market.